Recent major swindles and embezzlement under Museveni’s regime

1) Energy and Power Sector. Importing sub-standard solar electric generating equipment from China, Thailand and Malaysia which will work for a short period and then break down. There is no evidence where it has worked and word has it that the Chinese have failed to market them anywhere else.

2) Kinyara Sugar works sale. Where the deal is jointly with Madhivani to undervalue the project and they pocket the difference.

3) Hotel industry. Specifically related to the up coming Commonwealth meeting whereby huge amounts of money will exchange hands between the "investors", government officials and political leaders who approve the deals. Reports in Kampala say that property mogul Sudhir Ruparelia demanded and got an upfront payment for all rooms in all his hotels ahead of CHOGM and even if the summit is cancelled or poorly attended, he will gain everything.

4) Works and Transport Ministry. Where ONE ship has been ordered and the cost was inflated to the cost of THREE ships from Russia by the government. The prices and costs have been grossly undervalued so that these hungry and greedy guys want to eat the money for TWO ships. That deal involves Minister John Nasasira and some officials in State House.

5) Ministry of Education scandal. Whereby a cool Uganda shillings 2.5 billion (or 1.3 million U.S. dollars) and 1.2 billion (or 700,000 U.S. dollars) has been diverted and word goes around that the money was used for the Museveni 2006 election campaigns. The 1.4bn was for building schools in the disadvantaged north and AIDS kits. The ministry officials contract most of the publishing to themselves and big wigs in government. Word is that the owners of Mukono Bookshop gave the Permanent Secretary F.X.K Lubanga a hotel as a handshake and thank you.

6) NSSF Alcon scandal. Whereby a cool $28 million dollars was going to be scooped to pay the owners of Alcon as an out-of-court settlement when in fact Alcon is worth $500000 only. Word is that they distorted information to make it appear as Workers House in Kampala was under threat of being sold off and when the information leaked the President temporarily stopped the deal to get rid of those obstructing the deal like the former minister Bakoko Bakoru.

Word is that she is being politically persecuted to justify the eventual theft and robbery of workers’ National Social Security money by discrediting her and the others who worked to provide able leadership which has seen that fund grow into the one and the ONLY biggest financial giant institution in Uganda.

Who is who in Museveni’s security detail

Major Herbert Makanga, former Aide de Camp, named as a torturer of people in ISO safe houses. Now a UPDF commander in western Uganda.

Captain Stuart Agaba, the current ADC and bodyguard to Museveni.

Captain Patrick Akoragye, the Commanding Officer of Janet Museveni’s security detail.

Captain Dan Kakono<, operations and training officer in the Presidential Guard Brigade tank battalion. If there is a coup attempt or uprising, he is the officer who will command the tanks that come to crush protesters.

Captain Michael Kanyamunyu, an ICT expert attached to the Joint Anti-Terrorism Unit. He is the one who wrote a letter to Makerere University in 2006 asking for any document with the signature of the late James Opoka. The document was to be used in forged documents implicating Kizza Besigye in PRA activities.

Captain Herbert Nabimanya, PGB intelligence officer. In charge of gathering operational intelligence on places where Museveni is travelling and watching the PGB boys to make sure they don’t turn against the Commander in Chief.

David Katanywa, special undercover aide to Museveni. Job description: assassinating Museveni’s personal rivals and enemies. He is one of Museveni’s assassins. Related to Prince John barigye of Ankole.

Major Johnson Namanya, operations officer in the PGB, trained as tank commander, formerly a journalist. He is the one who commands the PGB in daily routine.

Major Vincent Bagambaki, PGB technical officer, in charge of electronics jamming, electronic metal detection, and bomb diffusion. He is the one who makes sure that bombs and ammunition are kept away from harming M7.

Mehta in panic as Ugandans boycott sugar, burn plantations

In the past few days Radio Katwe has been receiving news of the reaction to the controversial sale of Mabira forest to the Indians of the Mehta sugar company at Lugazi.

Local media in Kampala reported on March 28 that the sugar plantations of Mehta at Lugazi have been set on fire in some areas. The police has not yet identified the culprits.

Many Ugandans have been urging for a boycott of the Mehta sugar and some reports in Kampala and Jinja say that the sales of the sugar by Mehta have been dropping since last week.

some dealers in general merchandise are saying that they will not stock Mehta's sugar because they fear that the boycott will continue and they will not find customers for the sugar.

The Mehta Board of Directors is reported to have met in emergency yesterday and top of the agenda was the boycott which is affecting their business.

Radio Katwe is getting reports that Mehta is considering giving up the claim on the Mabira forest because it seems the move is doing the company more harm than good.

Other reports getting to Radio Katwe say that things are very complicated at the moment.

It is reported that during the recent presidential campaign Mehta was one of the big contributors to Museveni's campaign. He gave Museveni more than one million dollars in exchange for the favours which Museveni has given him in form of dodging some taxes.

In fact Radio Katwe is getting reliable information from Kampala that the saga of Mabira is none other than Museveni's move.

Museveni and his stooges have a financial interest in Mehta and they are using the company as a front to get their hands on Mabira.

Kampala media reports put the value of the timber and trees in Mabira at more than 250 million dollars.

Museveni, Janet his wife and brother Salim Saleh want that timber money. That is why they are using Mehta as a pretext.

If you have any information on this national scandal, or if you work in the Mehta sugar company and you have any inside information on what is going on and what Mehta plans to do next, as a patriotic Ugandan we appeal to you to send it to Radio Katwe.

Do not use your name because you need to protect your identity.

Stay tuned for more updates on this forestgate scandal.

State House begins vetting judges

Word reaching us is that State House has began vetting a number of names for positions as Judges of the High Court.

Although Museveni behaved as if he was not affected by the recent strike by judges for one week, he was angry that they had made him look like a fool before the public and donors. Sources inside State House say that an angry Museveni has decided to "sort out" the Judiciary.

At the moment the High Court bench is under staffed and M7 wants to fill these vacancies with his own cadres.

He knows that as time goes by he will be winning elections more out of High Court rulings than popularity. This was the case in 2001 and 2006. He will not accept to have a High Court that has Judges who see him as a dictator.

We are yet to get the names of the lawyers will be chosen to become judges. As soon we our sources get them, we shall publish them on Radio Katwe.

If you have any information on who is going to be picked to be a Judge you can always share it with us so that we share it with concerned Ugandans.

So far there is talk that Justice Steven Kavuma could move up to a more senior position like Principal Judge if the present Principal Judge James Ogoola retires.

As Principal Judge, Kavuma would play the role of keeping the other justices in the “correct” NRM line.

What is behind the tensions in the ruling Bahiima clan?

Tensions between Bahima factions plague Museveni regime are reported to be high and they are rising every day.

There are two main centers of power in the NRM regime. These are the Bahiima of the Basiita clan who are the real rulers of Ankole. Janet Museveni is one of them. Then you have the Bahiima who are Bahororo from Rukungiri.

These are the Bahiima who are General Aronda Nyakirima, Major General Jim Muhwezi, and people like Brigadier Henry Tumukunde.

The Bahiima who dominate Museveni's security in the Presidential Guard Brigade were mainly brought into the PGB by Janet and her aides, but the people who dominate the most sensitive part of intelligence are those from Rukungiri, the Bahororo. These were recruited by Muhwezi and Tumukunde when they were bosses of the dreaded Internal Security Organisation.

Radio Katwe would like those who know the tensions between these two groups to write in and send more information on this developing story.

Where is the power these days, among the Basiita Bahiima or the Bahororo? Is this the reason why Muhwezi and Tumukunde are being persecuted by Museveni?

We want to know.

M7 at last sells off Mabira forest

t has emerged that President Museveni has decided to go ahead with the sale of Mabira forest.

Sources say that the decision was reached at a cabinet meeting on March 16, 2007. Museveni ordered the National Forest Authority to expedite the process.

Most ministers in the cabinet meet sat very quietly as Museveni gave his usual decrees. Most of the ministers feel that Uganda's climate could be seriously affected by the cutting down of trees. They were not happy in the meeting that Museveni is using institutes of state to push his own family deals.

But they could not oppose the president in cabinet and kept quiet. This information was given to Radio Katwe by a minister whose identity we shall keep secret. Otherwise he could lose his job overnight.

Last year when the plans for selling Mabira were floated they caused a public outcry.

Museveni is a shareholder in the Mehta Group of Companies. Last year the Danish expatriate who headed the National Forest Authority was forced to resign when he refused to accept Museveni's order to sell Mabira.

Lady Charlotte boss told to back off City Park land

Reports reaching Radio Katwe say that the controversy of who can build on the land next to Garden City complex has ended in a win for the Somali concubine of super minister Sam Kuteesa.

They say that the land was originally bought legally by Sarah Kizito popularly known in Kampala as Lady Charlotte. She is a wife of the former boxer Godfrey Nyakaana.

The Somali woman who is called Amina also wanted the land to build her hotel ahead of the CHOGM meeting in November.

The case went to court and the court ordered that all building on the plot should stop. But these days Amina's working is going on because she is connected to powerful people in Museveni's mafia government.

Amina is known to be a very rich and powerful woman. She brings cement into Uganda and does not pay a single cent in taxes.

Sarah Kizito called a press conference last year to put her position to the media but Kampala journalists got threatening calls from Museveni's Political aide Moses Byaruhanga telling them to back off the "untouchable" powerful woman behind the hotel.

Okello’s dangling intestines a shame on army reps

On Thursday last week Parliamentarians were sent fleeing at the sight of a Uganda People’s Defence Forces soldier holding onto his intestines walked towards the entrance of the Parliamentary Building searching for “his MP” to appeal for help.

First the facts of the case; Pte Emin Okello is a serving UPDF soldier attached to the 105 Battalion. He was shot in battle at the Ugandan/Sudan border in June and thereafter admitted to Lacor Hospital in Gulu.

While at Lacor, it was discovered that he required surgery and specialist attention and was therefore transferred to the army referral hospital at Mbuya on September 18, 2006.

“The facts are that he has not been neglected and we are questioning why he left Mbuya where he was due to see the surgeon, to come to Parliament to see his area MP,” questioned the army spokesman, Maj. Felix Kulayigye.
Kulayigye further adds: “He is duly paid up to August like the rest of us, we have not yet been paid September salaries. It is therefore not correct that he had not been paid since May.”

Being a soldier, Okello belongs to a unique constituency with full representation in Parliament. With 10 MPs, the army has the biggest block interest group representation in the House but surprisingly Okello did not go in search of any of his ten MPs, but rather the one representing his county back home.

The ten army MPs represent a constituency of 55, 769, which is about 10,000 people per MP!
Why? One may be forced to ask? The answer is simple, the army MPs do not represent him as a constituent in the Parliament, they represent other interests and as we are told, they are in Parliament as “listening posts.”

At the rank of private, Okello earns a paltry Shs140, 320. You might argue that this is similar to what primary school teachers, until recently, have been earning. It’s also not different from the pay for policemen and prison warders. But the later groups have no representation in Parliament and have more sympathisers from the larger public.

The teachers have pushed their salary up by strikes, the army cannot go on strike. Were they to, “for just an hour”, a soldier friend told me, the consequences would be dire for everybody.

Our good army representatives as “listening posts” cannot even discuss the plight of their constituents in the House and that is possibly why none of them was at Parliament to listen to Okello’s story. Remember the Presidential Guard Brigade had just chased him away from President’s Office where he had first reported for help.

Given that they have no constituency to represent and are not allowed to speak in the House, can afandes Elly Tumwine, James Makumbi, Francis Okello, Sarah Mpabwa, Col. Ramathan Kyamulesire, Phenekas Katirima, Aronda Nyakairima, David Tinyefuza, Grace Kyomugisha and Julius Oketa, or would they, and the army High Command that sent them there, justify their presence in Parliament?

Is Museveni using Teddy Seezi Cheeye to purge the NRM?

For the second week in a row, the director of economic monitoring in the Internal Security Organisation, Teddy Seezi Cheeye, has come out attacking visible figures in the NRM.

He started last week by attacking the director of the NRM media center, Robert Kabushenga.

This week in an opinion piece titled "Mr President, rescuer yourself from Kutesa", Cheeye has come out attacking the powerful Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sam Kutesa, a man whom most people fear to say anything about, as he is viewed as one of the so called "mafia" ministers in Museveni's regime.

Cheeye wrote, "The defeat of Dr. Elly Muhumuza in Sembabule parliamentary elections despite the fact that Minister of Foreign Affairs Sam Kutesa fronted him proves that President Museveni is listening more to sycophants who have lost touch with the concrete realities on the ground. How could Kutesa mislead President Museveni into campaigning for Muhumuza instead of a more popular NRM supporter called Herman Sentongo, who defeated Muhumuza?"

The normal course has been for NRM leaders to heap their attacks on the FDC and other opposition parties.

But instead, Cheeye is coming out and using the government owned paper, the New Vision, to attack officials in the NRM who are close to the corridors of power.

Cheeye went on to say, "If the negative influence is not curbed now, it will lead to more costly mistakes. Until the recent Presidential elections, President Museveni was the uncontested hero of the rural population. But now because of misleading advice from the Kutesa type, the rural peasants are beginning to question Mr. Museveni's political guidance and advice. This is terrible."

As Radio Katwe argued in February, Museveni is more angry with his own inner circle that he is with the FDC. After the election, a purge was going to happen.

In the run-up to the presidential election, Radio Katwe reported that Museveni had given Cheeye 200 million shillings (about 102,000 dollars) to revive his Uganda Confidential newsletter and use it to attack the FDC candidate, Dr. Kizza Besigye.

Now Cheeye is turning his guns on to the NRM, using a government paper, probably safe in the knowledge that he can only attack these senior NRM people with the full and prior consent of Museveni himself.

Next, we might see Cheeye attacking Jim Muhwezi, Mike Mukula and others.

Could this be the kind of development which will cause deep suspicion within the NRM and prepare the ground for a palace coup like the one which ousted former President Milton Obote in 1985?

Sex scandal fuels Uganda-Rwanda tensions

KAMPALA, Uganda (Reuters) -- A Rwandan diplomat was photographed naked in bed with another man's wife before being briefly arrested in Uganda, further stoking tensions between the fractious east African neighbors, officials said on Monday.

In an embarrassing incident causing consternation in both Kampala and Kigali, Rwandan First Secretary John Ngarambe was arrested late on Saturday with the wife of a Ugandan businessman at a hotel on the shores of Lake Victoria.

Uganda's minister of state for international affairs, Okello Oryem, said police would not charge the envoy with adultery, which is a crime in Uganda, but that Kigali should take action.

"They know what to do when a diplomat behaves in an unbecoming manner," he said. "This incident was unfortunate."

Rwandan officials in Kampala made no immediate official comment on Ngarambe's five-hour detention. But they said privately he should not have been arrested because as a diplomat he enjoys immunity and his status was well known to Ugandan security forces who regularly tail him.

News of the Rwandan's arrest was splashed on the front pages of both Uganda's main papers, without the compromising pictures, and there was talk of little else on the streets of Kampala.

The story broke ahead of Tuesday's treason trial of Ugandan opposition leader Kizza Besigye, which was expected to strain ties even more.

Besigye, who lost elections in February to President Yoweri Museveni, is accused of training rebels in Rwanda.

The Kigali correspondent for Uganda's independent Sunday Monitor newspaper quoted Rwandan President Paul Kagame as denying for the first time that the rebel People's Redemption Army (PRA) even existed.

"PRA has been a creation of Uganda itself," he said. "Its existence and size is something that I know nothing about."

Rwandan officials could not immediately confirm those comments but promised a statement on the subject shortly.
'A very sensitive time'

"This is a very sensitive time, ahead of Besigye's trial, and this will not help matters," said one Western diplomat of the diplomatic sex scandal.

The Rwandan and Ugandan armies have clashed twice after invading Democratic Republic of Congo together in 1998, and the health of the Kampala-Kigali relationship is a top concern for diplomats working for peace in the Great Lakes region.

Until those clashes in 1999 and 2000 destroyed much of Congo's diamond city Kisangani, Rwanda's Kagame and Museveni had been close allies.

They attended the same boarding school in western Uganda, and Kagame became Museveni's intelligence chief during the bush war that propelled the older man to power to 1986.

In turn, Museveni backed Kagame -- a Rwandan exile -- when he led rebels to end Rwanda's 1994 genocide.

But they fell out over territory in mineral-rich eastern Congo, and despite withdrawing their troops, analysts say both still use proxy militias to compete for influence there.

Both have accused the other of aiding anti-government rebels, and both have expelled diplomats suspected of spying.

Ugandan papers said Ngarambe's arrest followed three weeks of surveillance, some by agents posing as motorbike taxi riders, and culminated in the raid on the lakeside Windsor Hotel.

After police broke into the room, the pair were photographed and videotaped as they dressed, the papers said, and officers removed the bed sheets and unidentified "romantic accessories" as evidence.

What could be driving James?

Last week, a powerful man in Musevenis government (henceforth "James") was in the news again. He was appearing before the commission of inquiry into how the Global Fund on AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria was misused in Uganda.

The swindling of the money led to the Fund cutting off more than 145 million dollars in funding in 2005 to Uganda.

The public has failed to understand this powerful man James. He has been removed from public office before but quickly bounced back. He has money and great wealth that cannot be easily explained, but he cannot be removed from the political scene.

When he faced Justice James Ogoola last week to testify his side of the story, Ogoola asked him, "Have you no sense of horror?" Justice Ogoola was asking the wrong question and addressing the wrong man.

In this intelligence briefing, Radio Katwe will briefly outline the public life of this man in the hopes of helping the public understand how he operates.

James was born into a Bahima family in Rukungiri in western Uganda, of the Bahororo sub-tribe (the same group of the Chief of Defence Forces, General Aronda Nyakirima.) His father was an Anglican Protestant Reverend and a staunch supporter of the Uganda People's Congress ruling party of Milton Obote.

Radio Katwe has not managed to find out the name of the secondary school he attended for his O'Levels, but he reportedly fled that school after he was accused of knowing something about a rape case of a female student there.

He completed his A'Level exams at Old Kampala Senior Secondary School. He joined Makerere University in the late 1970s where he studied for a Law degree. At that time, he also secretly joined FRONASA, the rebel group commanded by Yoweri Museveni.

Museveni found a way of getting him to join Idi Amin's State Researh Bureau, the intelligence service at that time. He was planted in the State Research Bureau to gather information that would help Museveni fight Amin better.

During his time at the State Research Bureau he saw something which shocked him. Some of the killings under Amin which were allegedly being committed by Amin's Kakwa, Lugbara and Nubian tribesmen were actually being committed by a few exilees from Rwanda recruited from refugee camps in Uganda (the Banyarwanda) on orders of Museveni as part of the covert/sabotage operations against Amin.

The purpose was to commit these heinous crimes and have the world blame them on Amin who we might add, roundly deserved it. That was when he developed an intense hatred for the Tutsi.

After Amin fell, this powerful man joined the Uganda police force while still a Museveni sympathizer. He was arrested in 1981 after Museveni started his bush war and he was detained by the UPC government at Jinja Road Police station.

He escaped, he claims, with the help of Hope Kivengere, the daughter of the late Bishop Festo Kivengere.

In the bush, Museveni appointed him head of intelligence after the then head of intelligence, David Tinyefuza, misbehaved so many times. He continued in that role when the NRM came to power in 1986.

In 1987, he married a pretty girl who we shall call Susan. Part of their wedding was hosted at State House.

According to some reports Radio Katwe has, like many of his fellow NRA officers he left no skirt unturned, resulting into incidents like the one where he fathered a child with a woman who worked with the UNDP (in Nairobi or Kampala office), which woman is said to have turned out to be a relative (cousin).

He also loved the flashy life and used to siphon off money from the classified security agency budget for his extravagant lifestyle.

Some relatives who have lived in his home say he is once too often vain and self-conscious, sometimes spending as much time as his wife in front of the mirror each morning.

One day at Kisementi in Kampala around 1997 or 1998, he was trying to impress a certain woman at the Just Kickin' sports bar. He pulled out a ward of U.S. dollar bills from his wallet and was running his fingers through them.

He had an affair with the Kampala lawyer and socialite named Candy.

But although he has that pimp-ish character, under his watch as a security chief until he was replaced in 1996, there was no coup in Uganda or too much instability to threaten the centre of power, Kampala.

Rumor has it that in the late 1990s, the Ssabagabe of Uganda started sleeping with this mans wife. He was humiliated but as a serving officer he could do nothing about getting even with his top commander.

In 1998, president Museveni told a meeting at State House of Ankole members of parliament that he had information that this man James was plotting against him.

Even recently in February, Smart Musolin reported that he had refused to give rooms in his Rukungiri hotel for the Elect Museveni task force.

In the early 2000s, he wooed a girl called Kandehura, aka "Kande". Kande is related to his wife and was invited to their home as guardians.

Kande's father, as Radio Katwe has reported, was Mr. Sabiti, a Muhima civil servant resident in Entebbe whom the State secretly ordered murdered in 1983 near the Lake Victoria Hotel so the blame could be put on the then Vice President Paulo Muwanga and also get the angry Bahima to hate the UPC government and support Museveni's NRA.

James started being very intimate with Kande and even put her up in a flat in Bugolobi at his expense but it seems his wife did not suspect anything.

But one day, his wife picked up James cell phone and noticed that there were many SMS messages from Kande. She wondered what was going on and kept track of her husband.

Susan realized that these two were having too intimate a relationship and she went mad. She called her brother Kabonero and they called for a wider family meeting to put James to task.

It was decided that Kande, who at that time was in London, should be summoned also to the family tribunal. James was at the airport to receive Kande and they came walking hand in hand.

At the family meeting, James told his wife Susan point-blank that she was his "third wife" and Kande was now his fourth wife, so Susan should leave him alone.

James asked the assembled family members one question: "What moral authority did Susan have to question his relationship with Kande?"

The family members were quiet because they knew he was hurt and humiliated and he was indirectly talking about Susan's escapade with the Ssabagabe.

The other way he took revenge for the Ssabagabes trespass with his wife was to go where it hurt most, by sleeping with a favourite princess who we shall call Natasa.

So that is James for you. The man you see in public flashing money about and dressed in sharp suits has many unhappy moments in his private life.

The way he was answering Justice Ogoola, the head of a commission appointed by President Museveni, told a lot. By trying to dismiss Justice Ogoola, he was indirectly daring Museveni to sack or publicly discipline him. He was not really attacking Justice Ogoola. He was hitting at Museveni.

Also, he knows that Ssabagabes fears him for a number of reasons. He is the one man in Kampala who knows the Ssabagabes most petty and embarrassing weaknesses better than almost anybody in the world. After all, it is he who has acted as his pimp for many years.

When the Ssabagabes appetites needed to be whetted by housemaids, cooks, office secretaries and women secretly included on the entourage on his trips abroad, it was James who used to make the arrangements.

James also knows the Ssabagabes personal record of massive corruption and theft of state money and assets, so he knows that by being accused of embezzling Global Fund money, the real culprit is being let off the hook.

James also knows the inside story of who did what on the shooting down of the plane carrying Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana in 1994 and the genocide that followed.

That is why he knows he is untoucheable. He knows who the Thief-in-Chief is in Uganda. These are things that only Radio Katwe can bring you in Uganda. We give you sketches of the political, money, and sexual forces that operate behind the scenes in the regime.

Uganda Telecom and the First Family's role in the company

Uganda Telecom Limited (UTL) was formed in 1998 to take over the telecommunication operations of Uganda Posts and Telecommunications Corporation Ltd (UP&TC), the state owned corporation.

It underwent a comprehensive financial restructuring program, which included Government assumption of long term debt and other liabilities, waiver of past corporation tax liabilities, revaluation of fixed assets, write-off of uncollectible receivables.

In June 2000, Uganda Telecom was given to a consortium code named UCOM which comprised of companies namely Detecon of Germany, Telcel and Orascom of Egypt at U.S.$ 33.5 million whereby they were supposed to own 51 percent of the shares and the 49 percent was supposed to be floated on the Uganda Stock Exchange.

According to the agreement, Detecon was supposed to provide management.

The working relationship between Mr. Mpore the current Managing Director and the German Managing Directors got so difficult that it went beyond repair. He was eventually appointed MD of the company, and right away started hiring some people in total disregard of the recruitment procedure. Some of the new staff were related to or recommended by State House.

People hired included, Donald Nyakairu as Company Secretary, Geoffrey Kamuntu, who is now married to Diana Museveni, and Istha Asiimwe, daughter to the Foreign Minister Sam Kuteesa, among others.

Because of the irregular recruitments some of the new dubious managers took advantage of the confusion and mismanagement and started victimizing other staff.

Some former staff members complain that they were kicked out only because they were perceived as a threat to the current Marketing Manager Hans Paulsen (real names: Hans Paul Ssentongo) who they say was particularly intolerant and vindictive towards them.

Before it was sold off, UP&TC Makerere exchange call data under the leadership of senior staff like a Miriam Kawuma lost the company colossal sums of money under circumstances that were unclear. Some staff lost their jobs as a result.

Susan Muheirwe Kitariko was appointed a Customer Care Manager. Some staff who think they dont get along with her or are in some way a challenge to her have reported that they have had to be particularly careful lest they leave the company under duress.

Recently, MD Mpore successfully wooed the board of directors and got an approval without question on the issue of a corporate change, making UTL and Mango one entity, something that was supposed to have been done at the time of privatization. The Board went ahead and approved this expenditure where colossal sums of tax payers money has been lost.

Everyday, there is retrenchment in Uganda Telecom. Staff in UTL stopped working and instead wait for either the salary pay slip or the retrenchment letter. The Government has not bothered to find out why the current management is carrying out a retrenchment exercise which is endless.

The fact that the extended First Family is deeply and personally involved in Uganda Telecom contrary to due process could be one of the sources of all this mismanagement. Reliable sources tell Radio Katwe that Major Muhoozi Kainerugaba, Museveni's son is in charge of the First Family's interest in Uganda Telecom.

More details on Amelia Kyambadde

Since we ran the story on the Principal Private Secretary to the President, Amelia Kyambadde, we have managed to piece together more facts on her from our own findings and from contributions sent in by some of our readers.

Most people who read the Radio Katwe story on Mrs. Kyambadde were surprised at how "balanced" it was. Most people think Radio Katwe is a strictly Hate Museveni platform.

A contributor wrote: "I got to know Ms. Kyambade quite well in the early 1980's, while she and her children lived in Sweden. She's a gem! She was so generous to us Africans in Sweden, that we nicknamed her 'Mama Africa'. Students and exiles from Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda and other places always found home at her three-bedroomed flat."

'Mama Africa' spent a lot of time helping a run-away former Mayor of Nairobi, Andrew Ngumba, set up a grocery store in Stockholm.

Amelia's mother is a great friend of the Swedish Royal family, and she has parlayed that closeness to benefit every African Amelia brought home.

In Stockholm [Editor's note: Stockholm or Gottenberg? It seems more accurate that the Kyambadde family lived in Gottenberg, not Stockhom] the family had a great friend named Anna Lindh, a young, promising City Council woman, who would later become Swedish Foreign Minister. Ms. Lindh, unfortunately, was killed by a mad man at a supermarket in 2004."

One contributor wrote in giving another opinion to Amelias public life saying, "Due to my position I was able to witness her part in a questionable affair. A personal (private) bank account in the names of "Tailor One" was maintained in Nile Bank [in Kampala]. The still strange thing about it was that the sole signatory of the account was Amelia Kyambadde. Between 1998 and late 2001 more than 27 billion shillings sailed through this account (it was so much money that Nile Bank employees even started to give themselves loans from the account without her knowledge.)"

Money used to be deposited only in cash. One of the prominent beneficiaries was [Brigadier] Noble Mayombo. The 500 million shilling cheque drawn from Standard Chartered Bank which hit the news headlines sometime back was from this Nile Bank account. It was thought that this money was being taken out of government classified accounts, for example, accounts for ISO, Ministry of Defence and the External Security Organization.

We could not establish the reasons why or the end point of the transactions for some cases but from studying the money flows some of the other major beneficiaries of "Taylor Ones" largesse included the then NRM Vice Chairman Moses Kigongo who took 140 million to pay Uganda Revenue Authority which was putting him under pressure for unpaid taxes, Museveni's nephew Kwame Ruyondo who took 40 million, Defence Minister Amama Mbabazi who took 85 million to pay off Development Finance (DFCU).

Others were Inspector General of Police Major-General Edward Kale Kaihura who took 21 million, former Local Government Minister Jaberi Bidandi Ssali who took 200 million, First Lady Janet Museveni's nephew Hannington Karuhanga who took 630 million to pay off a debt he owed Tamari of Switzerland, Susan Muhwezi (Jim Muhwezi's wife) who took 210 million which went to Gold Trust Bank.

Some of the money was used to buy foreign exchange and the contributor to Radio Katwe believes the money was later sent abroad.

Another contributor writing on March 17 said that Amelia Kyambadde has a luxurious country home at Najjeera near Ntinda, with a farm which has "hundreds" of exotic cows.

Elsewhere, reports also reaching Radio Katwe on March 17 say that the title deed for Kisozi ranch thought to be president Museveni's property was allegedly registered in the names of one Amber Kyabade.

When Museveni's son Major Muhoozi Kainerugaba learnt that the treasured "bihogo" (or inheritance in Runyankore) was not his, Muhoozi stormed into his father's presence demanding an explanation, only to get one of those blank stares which Museveni gives people when he has been cornered. The resulting row could have been the cause for Ambers brief retreat into exile to let things cool down.

Makerere student tortured over ‘spying’ for Rwanda

By Andrew M. Mwenda

According to reliable sources, Kasekende was subjected to brutal interrogations during which he was asked about his links with the PRA rebel group, the Rwanda government and opposition politicians in Uganda, especially those in FDC

Kampala

MR Ronald Kasekende, a student of Urban Planning at Makerere University, has been under military detention since last October.
His detention follows his arrest on allegations of selling intelligence information to Rwanda.

Sources told Daily Monitor that Kasekende, who was arrested on October 3 by the Presidential Guard Brigade (PGB), has been under constant torture, mainly through beatings.

He has been subjected to torture at the hands of the PGB, the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI), and later Military Police at Makindye barracks.
According to smuggled notes from prison, which are collaborated by leaked information from within the PGB, and information from his father Tony Musisi, Kasekende can no longer stand or walk unaided.

Sources said the PGB leadership was aware of Kasekende's case, but Col. Leopold Kyanda, who was Commanding Officer of the elite brigade at the time, did not return Daily Monitor's telephone calls.
Kyanda is now CMI chief.

‘Injured legs’
Internal Affairs Minister Ruhakana Rugunda told Daily Monitor yesterday that Kasekende was not tortured, but injured his leg while he was trying to escape from detention.
Kasekende has not been charged with any offence, but Dr Rugunda said he would soon be produced in court and charged according to the law.

IMPLICATED: Mwenda

SPY? Kalyegira

The minister said Kasekende was in detention for spying and selling information to another country.
PGB sources told Daily Monitor that Kasekende was found in possession of confidential Uganda Peoples' Defence Forces (UPDF) documents.
PGB claimed he was passing on secrets to Rwandan intelligence services.

According to reliable sources, Kasekende was subjected to brutal interrogations during which he was asked about his links with the rebel Peoples Redemption Army (PRA), the Rwanda government and opposition politicians in Uganda, especially those in the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC).

He was also reportedly asked about his links with journalists; Andrew Mwenda, Timothy Kalyegira and Blake Lambert.
According to information smuggled out of jail, Kasekende's interrogators tried to force him to sign a confession claiming that Mwenda, Kalyegira and Lambert were the ones providing him information to give to Rwanda, British and American intelligence services.

After a 10 days' detention inside a room in the President's office at Parliamentary Buildings, and an illegal detention facility run by PGB on Mutungo Hill, Kasekende was transferred to Kololo.

There, he was placed under another illegal detention facility run by the Joint Anti Terrorism Taskforce (JATT).
In Kololo, he found over 30 other suspects arrested on allegations of terrorism - some accused of being members of what the government claims to be a dead organisation, the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) rebel group.

Other suspects were accused of being members of PRA or Rwandan spies.
Among the suspected Rwandan spies under detention was Pte Francis Kato, a staff of CMI under the Directorate of Counter Intelligence, who had worked with Col. Edson Muzoora in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

Escaped
Muzoora later escaped from Uganda and, according to the government, went to Rwanda where he allegedly joined hands with other renegade colonels Samson Mande and Anthony Kyakabale in PRA.
Kato refused to confess that he was a spy for Rwanda and PRA.

Intelligence sources said the arrest, illegal detention and torture of Rwandan nationals or Ugandans allegedly working for Rwanda has been orchestrated by a special desk for Rwanda at CMI codenamed Kirandi.

Kasekende made a daring escape by jumping over the wall of the detention facility in Kololo and landing into the compound of Danish ambassador Stig Barlyng (see related story on page 1).

However, a joint PGB-CMI squad invaded the ambassador's residence, overpowered his police guards and recaptured Kasekende who was returned to the detention facility.
Kasekende's ordeal is said to have worsened following his re-arrest.
He was beaten and subjected to several forms of torture.
Today, he cannot walk or stand unaided.
However, Kasekende's attempted escape exposed an illegal detention centre to a western ambassador.

A few days later, on February 22, all the detainees were transferred to different illegal detention centres around Kampala and the country.
Kasekende, a civilian, was transferred to Makindye Military Police barracks for continued detention.

A February 21 letter from Maj. Abdul Rugumayo, the Deputy Chief of Military Intelligence, to the Commanding Officer of Military Police, said that Kasekende, Kato and one Corporal Kidamba should be detained incommunicado.
The letter is titled "High Profile Prisoners".
Rugumayo claimed that the three should be held that way because President Yoweri Museveni had an interest in the matter.

At Makindye
At Makindye Military Police, Kasekende was held at the main quarter guard where they have notorious special detention rooms.
As had happened on December 30, 2005, the ICRC came visited the prisons at Makindye on March 7.
This time, the three (Kasekende, Kidamba and Kato) were transferred to CMI headquarters for the whole day.

They were brought back to Makindye late in the evening in a blue Delica omnibus, impeccable sources said.
On March 9, the three were taken away blindfolded, this time to an unknown illegal detention facility.
Kato and Kasekende were reportedly tortured after they refused to appear at a press conference to implicate now deported Canadian journalist Blake Lambert in intelligence gathering.

Now at Kigo Prison
They are currently detained at Kigo Prison.
Kasekende's father Musisi first heard the ordeal of his son when this reporter first read it out on the radio show, Tonight With Andrew Mwenda Live on 93.9 KFM.
He went to Makindye three times to see his son, but Military Police refused to grant him access.

Instead, he was threatened with arrest if he continued going to the barracks.
Musisi contacted the ICRC.
The ICRC went to Makindye twice and the Military Police denied them access to Kasekende. Finally, Musisi met his son at Kigo Prison on Monday.
He was told Kasekende would be taken to the unknown Uganda Disciplinary Court in Mbuya military barracks where he would be charged with treachery.

Government had no fuel for President Kikwete visit

Reports reaching us say that the government faced an embarrassing situation with the visit to Uganda by Tanzania's leader, Pres ident Jakaya Kitwete on Wednesday, March 22.

Sources at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Kampala say that the ministry's executive limousines did not have fuel.

The government is said to have asked Ugandans with Mercedes Benzes to lendt hem to the government for the occasion.

This is Kikwete's first visit to Uganda as head of state.

Meanwhile, reports also reaching us say that work on the renovation of State House at Entebbe has come to a standstill.

The standstill is because the Chinese company doing the renovation pulled out after a dispute with State House.

Uganda is supposed to host the Commonwealth Heads of State meeting next year and there is still a shortage of accommodation for the 52 heads of state expected in Uganda.

The pullout by the Chinese company has been kept a secret for fear that it will raise concern at the Commonwealth secretariat in London.

Maybe that could make the Secretariat think of changing the summit to another venue.

The government has been quietly approaching wealthy Ugandan Indians like Sudhir Ruparelia and others to convince them to fund the completion of the renovation.

This is not the first time reports are circulating in Kampala that the government does not have money.

During the recent presidential election campaign, there were complaints by NRM officials that there was no money at the headquarters of the party at plot 10, Kyadondo Road.

Police quizzes Red Pepper editors - truth behind the story

The Red Pepper, a tabloid newspaper in Kampala, reported on March 14 that two of its top editors, Arinaitwe Rugyendo and Chris Obore (Managing Editor, deputy Managing Editor respectively) were summoned by the police on March 13 for questioning over a story they published in their Sunday Edition, March 12.

In that Sunday story, the Red Pepper reported that President Yoweri Museveni had drawn up a list of his proposed new cabinet and it had Maria Mutagamba, the minister of state for Water, as the new Vice President.

According to the Red Pepper, the director of the NRM Government Media Center, Robert Mukholi Kabushenga, rang up Rugyendo at 11 p.m. that Sunday night ordering Rugyendo to go and meet Kabushenga immediately.

When Rugyendo told Kabushenga that he was "already asleep", the deputy director of the Criminal Investigations Department, Okoth Ochola, told Rugyendo and Obore to report to the CID headquarters first thing on Monday morning, March 13 where, according to the Red Pepper, the two editors were questioned for 12 straight hours.

At the CID headquarters, the two editors also found Major-General Edward Kale Kaihura, the Inspector-General of Police who said the story on the proposed cabinet had been false and said, according to the Red Pepper, the President wanted to know the source in State House of that leak to the Red Pepper.

The Media Centre forced Red Pepper to publish a brief clarification on page 2 which reads: "The Media Centre wishes to clarify that President Yoweri Museveni has not drafted any list of people to be appointed to cabinet positions. The story...is therefore speculative and untrue. No appointments to cabinet have been considered and therefore this story has no basis and should be ignored."

The last sentence was aimed at the foreign diplomats whom State House knows were taking note of the details in the story and sending them to the attention of their home governments.

Red Pepper and the other Kampala dailies have published more sensitive stories in the past than this. It does not make sense for these two editors to be questioned for 12 hours.

But Radio Katwe has managed to piece together from the Red Pepper incident the the real issue behind these two gentlemens ordeal was that President Museveni wanted to know who leaked the cabinet details to the Red Pepper.

If he could find out who, it could possibly help him get leads to a much bigger problem - who it is within State House and the intelligence that is feeding Radio Katwe all these stories on Museveni and his family.

Radio Katwe has been informing its readers that the main source of these very damaging leaks and tips is the many disgruntled people in State House and security agencies.

Most of the secrets which were of course known by a few but largely kept away from public knowledge about his personal life and his family and how his corrupt state works are now freely available to a local and international readership daily. This has caused some discomfort for the Museveni regime.

Museveni's security which used to be feared and admired in the region has so far appeared helpless, having failed to stem the damaging revelations from Radio Katwe.com

Sources have commented that even his wife Janet Museveni did not know one or two of the details that she is now hearing about her husbandfs conduct via Radio Katwe.

Recently, Museveni met Uganda's ambassadors accredited in America and Europe and urged them to look out in the European capitals and U.S. cities for the fellows publishing Radio Katwe. It is of course to be noted that for many years now, Uganda's missions abroad have been so dangerously neglected that a good number of them do not even have enough working computers or staff.

The many ESO agents in North America whom Museveni would have used to pin Radio Katwe.com down are probably right now more concerned about their own security, given the legality of their activities in those foreign lands.

The Red Pepper story of March 14 revealed valuable information on the crisis in the NRM.

Major-General Kaihura could not even tell Chris Obore that he was doing his job as Inspector General of Police. Instead he charged at Obore saying several times "Obore, don't undermine me!"

He did not say "Obore, you are endangering the country!" No. It was "Don't undermine me!" when Obore stood by his story.

For a senior governt official like General Kaihura, that choice of words seem to indicate more a desire to save his own skin or reputation, than Museveni's image or the government image.

That a top government offiicial personally interrogates two editors over a relatively mild story that could have been ignored and died its own death speaks volumes about the mindset (possibly panic) that has gripped Musevenis inner court. People in the top positions in the NRM government are not working for Museveni but to protect their positions and out of fear of their top boss.

Red Pepper thought that being so pro-NRM and pro-Museveni would give them special "protected" status in Uganda. Now they see that a man who could so quickly kick out long life friends like Eriya Kategaya whom he knew since early childhood and other people who have done so much for him, cannot treat Red Pepper differently.

For the unrestrained mudslinging and free publicity they did for the NRM party during the presidential campaigns, their reward is a visit to the CID.

Radio Katwe stands by story on CMI phone-tapping in Uganda

The NRM government has denied a story published by Radio Katwe that it is using Military Intelligence to tap the phones of subscribers in Uganda.
( Click here to see story on CMI tapping.)

The refutation was contained in a story published on March 15, 2006 by the Daily Monitor a private newspaper based in Kampala, Uganda.

The Ugandan army spokesman, Major Felix Kulaigye, told the Daily Monitor that "all the allegations on that website [Radio Katwe.com] are false."

Let us state here and now that the story on phone tapping in Uganda was true and was carefully crosschecked. Major Kulaigye was saying what he is expected to say as a government spokesman.

If you look at the Daily Monitor story, you will realize that Celtel is not mentioned as one of the networks mentioned as tapping phones.

It is commonly known down here in Kampala that the First Family has business interests in MTN and UTL.

Celtel is a different story. In fact, if you want to check these three phone companies online, you will see that the MTN website is mtn.co.ug and the UTL website is utl.co.ug, but the Celtel website is celtel.com

MTN has a major switch base station located across the road from the Bugolobi flats and the UTL switch station is integrated with the old Post Office system.

That is how the Uganda government has control of the tapping and monitoring of phones, because they can plant CMI engineers there on site to coordinate with the CMI technicians who illegally tap the phones from a system based at Okello House in Nakasero.

With Celtel, the back entry into the mobile phone system is not located in Uganda, but in the United States, so the Uganda government has not way of controlling Celtel and illegally tapping people's phones.

Phone calls on the Celtel network are re-routed through switches located outsideUganda, as most of the e-mail in Uganda is routed.

This makes Celtel the only phone network in Uganda which you can regard as generally safe from Ugandan intelligence eavesdropping.

In recent years, the European Union delegation offices in Kampala complained about phone-tapping, that is why they switched from MTN and UTL Mango to Celtel.

The American embassy and the British High Commission in Kampala, in addition to other European embassies and consuls all use Celtel.

This is not because of lower call costs at Celtel (European embassies could afford any costs in Uganda), but because of the crucial fact that the western embassies feel a little safer using the Celtel network which the Uganda government cannot so easily tap.

Someone wrote a letter or an article in one of the Ugandan dailies recently asking why the FDC national mobiliser, Major-General Mugisha Muntu, always uses public call boxes to make politically sensitive phone calls.

Can the Uganda government explain that?

Radio Katwe therefore stands absolutely by its story and insists that the MTN and UTL networks are tapped by ISO and CMI.

The story of Amelia Kyambadde

Radio Katwe brings you the story of the powerful Principal Private Secretary to the President, Mrs. Amelia Kulubya Kyambadde.

Being so close and personal with him for nearly 30 years now, she is one of the few people who could if she wanted, write an authoritative biography of Musevenis rule.

According to the modest database that we have pieced together plus the contributions from some of our readers, Amelia Kyambadde was born into a well-to-do Baganda family sometime in the late 1950s.

She is the eldest child of the late Serwano-Kulubya of Kulubya and Company Advocates, a law firm. Her father was a well-connected and influential person in the 1960s UPC government.

According to this information, Amelia's mother is related to Museveni's mother and that is where the "Hima" connection comes in. (With Museveni the confessing "non-sectarian", blood relations seem to be the rule rather than exception.)

Amelia's mother now lives in Sweden where she is a naturalized Swede.

Amelia Kulubya attended Nakasero Primary School in Kampala in the 1960s. At that time, it was an elite school for Europeans and only privileged elite Ugandans went to that school.

Amelia used to tell her friends at Nakasero that she had ever been to Europe, which given the times then, we can take as further evidence of her prominent background.

She then went on to Sacred Heart Girls' Secondary School in Gulu from 1969 to 1971. She did her O'Level exams and passed well but did not for some reason want to go back there for her A'Levels.

Some of the classmates of Amelia Kulubya were Jennifer Kalimuzo, Florence Kikira, Joy Kanyike, and many more who were a year ahead of Amelia Kulubya.

A former schoolmate of hers told Radio Katwe that Amelia Kulubya "spoke very good English and that was her highest score in O' Level exams" While in Sacred Heart "she had everything a young girl could want."

This former schoolmate (who seems to be have known Amelia in Gulu) told Radio Katwe that Amelia was quiet at school, "friendly to most girls, she did not have the contempt some Southerners showed towards the Northerners."

It is something to note that these people from Northern Uganda who have faced a bitter and hellish 20 years of the Museveni rule have this view of Amelia. In the many comments we recieved, they spoke well of her. The bitter resentment sometimes (understandably) shown any westerner or "Southerner" close to Museveni for abandoning them to the dogs these past two decades is remarkably absent.

She was attractive and many soldiers liked her. One story goes that while at Sacred Heart Girls', she used to arrive in Gulu in a family chauffer-driven car around a week before school opened for the term and spend time with soldiers in their Officers' Mess in town.

But Amelia one of those rare NRM Bantu who is as much liked by the southerners as the northerners.

Somewhere in the mid 1970s, Amelia Kulubya got married to Wilson Kyambadde.

After the fall of Idi Amin in 1979, Amelia worked as a personal secretary to the new Defence Minister, Yoweri Museveni.

When President Godfrey Binaisa transferred Museveni to become the Minister of Regional Cooperation, the man who does not respect institutions somehow moved Amelia with him there to work under him.

And Amelia's apparent partiality for soldiers since school at Sacred Heart had not expired because according to impeccable sources, during that time in 1979 or 1980, Amelia got pregnant with a child by Museveni.

Among her children are Peter, Ivan, Ishta, Kenny, Amber and Mike. One of her children (Amber?) today is actually a child of Museveni.

When her boss went to the bush in 1981 to launch his "fundamental change" rebel war, Amelia fled to exile in 1983 and stayed with her children in Gottenborg, Sweden, in some lower middle class flats not far from where the Museveni family was also staying.

When the "fundamental change" that 20 years on has left Kampala in darkness began in 1986, Amelia resumed her job of working under Museveni.

What Radio Katwe is not sure about is when Janet Museveni first came to know the full significance of her husbands "working" position in relation to Amelia. It seems that was recent, when Amelia had to flee to London for a brief "vacation" until Janets wrath came under some control.

In 1994 or 1995 when Natasha Museveni was sent to London to study fashion (what a waste of tax payers' money, when you look at the poor quality of dresses produced by the now, thankfully, defunct House of Kaine!), State House was worried that Natasha would be lonely.

So the state arranged for scholarships for Amelia's daughter, Ishta Kyambadde and Josephine Wapakhabulo, a daughter of the late NRM heavyweight James Wapakhabulo, to go and study in the UK but some speculate that one of the intended side-benefits of these two was to keep Natasha company.

In 1996, Amelia went to Makerere University to do a Bachelors in Business Administration. One contributor to Radio Katwe claims that in 1998 during her third year "she had as many as 24 retakes." Whereas anything is possible, one wonders at the credibility of that abnormally high number of retakes.

As PPS to the President, Amelia is tough toward the staff around Museveni. Reports from State House say that Amelia has on ocassion treated people like Presidential Press Secretary Onapito Ekomoloit and Media Centre Director Robert Kabushenga like small children, shouting at them in front of their colleagues.

So that is Amelia for you. By all accounts professional and a generally nice person. A rare thing to say about anyone so close to Museveni.
O how one wishes some of her would have rubbed off on her boss of all these years...!

NRM government fakes "evidence" of Besigye-Opoka links

Last Sunday, March 12, the Sunday Vision paper in Kampala published a feature on how Opoka was killed.

The article was written "By Our Reporter", whom Radio Katwe easily identifies as either the Sunday Editor himself, David Mukholi, or Emmy Allio, a staff reporter.

As the Ugandan public now knows, both of these New Vision employees are ISO agents.

That Sunday Vision article was coordinated by intelligence and was commissioned as a way of preparing the public to believe that Besigye was involved in terrorism by his "links" with Opoka.

Radio Katwe can now publish the pre-emptive bombshell it promised its readers last week. This revelation has a major bearing on the Colonel Kizza Besigye terrorism and treason trial.

We got impeccable information before the recent presidential election that the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI) had come up with a devious way of concocting "evidence" that the FDC President Colonel Kizza Besigye was in league with the late James Opoka.

Opoka who was at one time Besigyes aide was allegedly killed a few years ago by the LRA rebels. Opoka campaigned for Besigye in his 2001 presidential bid before reportedly joining Kony. The State claims that Opoka is the proof that Besigye was working with Kony.

The source said that an officer of the Joint anti-Terrorism Task Force (JATT), one Lt. Michael Kanyamunyu had been given orders to go to Makerere University, where Opoka was a student, and find a way of obtaining any academic transcript or document where his signature appears.

Kanyamunyu wrote a letter on JATT headed paper, with his name undersigned on it and dated "Feb 06." We shall give you the reference number on this letter should the state try to refute our claims. Radio Katwe has not yet established if Lt. Kanyanunyu actually took his letter to the Academic Registrar's office to get a copy of Opoka's academic papers.

What the letter clearly shows is that the state desperately wished to find some or any piece of "evidence" that could show the slightest connection between Besigye and the late James Opoka.

The academic document with Opoka's signature was to be scanned and pasted onto a fake piece of correspondence, which would then be produced in the High Court by the prosecution to "prove" that the two men were in contact.

This means that we are about to see another of the state's efforts at pinning false charges against the FDC President fall apart, and the state still does not know how all its moves and secrets are coming out into broad daylight for the curious public to see. All we can say is there are still a lot of good, honest upright people who love their country more than money. Citizens who are sick and tired of the dirty games, deceit and depravity that the Museveni NRM regime represents.

This is yet another example of how devious this government is and what measures they will take to pin false charges on anyone who opposes them.

Stay tuned to the trial which starts tomorrow, March 15, and see how this "evidence" is produced by the prosecution. See how the state starts to panic and fumble as its one vital piece of "evidence" is exposed as a hoax.